This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available. |
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 ABUJA 001169 |
1. (C) SUMMARY: During an April 3 meeting with National Security Advisor, General (Rtd.) Aliyu Mohammed, to discuss security assistance programs (SEPTEL), Ambassador Jeter used the opportunity to engage the NSA on Angola, Congo and Zimbabwe. END SUMMARY -------------------------- ANGOLA -------------------------- 2. (C) The Ambassador initiated the discussion by asking the NSA whether the GON was involved behind the scenes in the Angolan cease-fire agreement. Mohammed replied that the GON was not involved; in fact explained that he was in Saudi Arabia for the Hajj when Savimbi was killed. None the less, said that President Obasanjo had spoken with Dos Santos and told him that Savimbi's death was a great opportunity to rebuild the country. Mohammed noted that UNITA would always be symbolic of Savimbi's resistance to Dos Santos and the rebels needed a face saving way out so that they could appear to remain true to Savimbi's legacy while also ending the war. 3. (C) The NSA also revealed that President Obasanjo had sent Special Representative on Conflict Resolution, Ambassador Raph Uwechue, to Angola. Mohammed said he was pleased with the cease-fire and that amnesty had been given to the rebels. He concluded, the situation looked hopeful. -------------------------- Congo: -------------------------- 4. (C) The NSA was not optimistic about the Inter-Congolese Dialogue (ICD), contending that nothing good would come of it. He explained, there are too many players involved in the ICD and it is impossible to get everyone to put their selfish interests aside and work for peace. Mohammed suggested that the solution requires key players to sit down and hammer out a solution and that has not happened yet. Until Museveni, Kabila, Mbeki and Mugabe reach a consensus on peace, there will continue to be chaos in the Congo. -------------------------- Zimbabwe: -------------------------- 5. (C) Mohammed summarized his thoughts on Zimbabwe by saying that unlike the U.S. and Britain points of view, Nigeria saw the Zimbabwe crisis as one over land ownership and not politics. He insisted the Britain was biased which opened their version of events to question. The NSA said that the real problem was not Mugabe but lack of land ownership by the Zimbabwean majority. Meanwhile, Britain was protecting the interests of the elite like the publisher of the Financial Times and a former British Foreign Minister Rifkind, both of whom had massive land holdings in Zimbabwe. 6. (C) Everyone agrees that greater land equity was fundamental, the Ambassador replied, but the contest for land did not legitimize election fraud and intimidation. The NSA disagreed, asserting that the elections were credible. Ambassador Jeter offered to provide reports to substantiate his statement; the NSA rebutted by saying that credibility depends on whose reports you read. 7. (C) The Ambassador told Mohammed that the US appreciated what Nigeria was doing in Zimbabwe but did not recognize the legitimacy of the elections. Moreover, given what had happened during the recent poll it would be difficult to have normal relations with the Mugabe government. 8. (C) The Ambassador suggested that Mugabe gracefully step aside for a transitional government since he had proven that he can win an election by capitalizing on the land issue. The NSA agreed that Mugabe should step down but argued, if you pushed him too hard he would only enlarge his following. Sanctions will not punish Mugabe only the people of Zimbabwe. 9. (C) The NSA argued that Tsvangirai was not a viable successor to Mugabe. Tsvangirai could not replace Mugabe because he did not have the support of the National institutions, including the civil service and the army. Asked if he believed the charges of treason against Tsvangirai, Mohammed said that he was uncertain but had SIPDIS requested a copy of the alleged tape implicating the MDC leader to see if it was authentic. Ambassador said that from our perspective the charges against Tsvangirai are not credible. 10. (C) The Ambassador pointed out that the land issue was bigger than Zimbabwe; there was a real fear that violence over land redistribution could spread to South Africa and Namibia and influence racial tensions throughout the region. He said killings and seizures were not the answer, citing Namibia's calling of a National conference on the land problem as an example of addressing the issue responsibly. 11. (C) Ambassador said that Nigeria's position on Zimbabwe could have influence much beyond its borders, including questions of Africa's commitment to the goals of NEPAD. Mohammed exclaimed that these statements made African countries feel they were being blackmailed. 12. (C) The NSA said it seemed unfair for the U.S. to criticize Zimbabwe's election when its own National election had been irregular. In defense of the legitimacy of the elections, the NSA said that Mugabe promised to have more polling stations and he did. The Ambassador countered that although there were more polling stations, they were strategically placed in Mugabe rural strongholds. 13. (C) The NSA digressed by reinforcing Nigeria's concern about Zimbabwe. He said that President Obasanjo had dedicated a tremendous amount of time and energy to the issue, traveling to Zimbabwe six times and twice to London before and after the elections. 14. (C) The NSA concluded by conditioning his remarks saying that they were his personal view, and not those of GON. ANDREWS |